Gloria bought tea and cheese for the farewell party for Jackie who is going to London next semester for an exchange program. We stood around and talked over the delicious food. Josh couldn't understand the stuff I wrote in his card: 读千卷书,行万里路。
12/12 biggest and brightest moon in the past fifteen years. I saw it.
I'm really sick of writing my anthropology paper.
Isabella Tianzi Cai
AN350 Asian Americans
Professor Nancy Smith-Hefner
December 13, 2008
Boston Chinatown: Culture and Housing as One
Igloos built by the Inuits, dachas built by the Russians, and plattenbauten built by the Germans all define these peoples’ cultures to a certain extend. There are many other examples that illustrate the relationship between housing and culture; they shall make us wonder if housing and culture indeed exert a mutual influence on each other. Modern architects have developed extensive theories on this matter, but cultural anthropologists probably have more insightful information about this hypothesis. My paper looks at the changes in the housing pattern in Boston Chinatown in the most recent decade. Through my interviews of a group of Asian American youths who have grown up in Boston Chinatown, I would like to assess the impact of the changes of the housing pattern on this group of Asian Americans’ culture. My theoretical perspective follows Professor Min Zhou’s in her book Chinatown: The Socioeconomic Potential of an Urban Enclave. Basically, Chinatown is a positive transitional place for new Asian immigrants to integrate into American society; instead of degenerating and disappearing from the horizon, Chinatown is revitalized by the Asian American community.
Boston Chinatown shares some key characteristics with New York and San Francisco Chinatowns where Asian immigrants first settled. It is crowded, full of ethnic businesses, and very close-knit. Over the years, because of the increasing number of businesses both in and around Boston Chinatown, the place has become more crowded and expensive to live. The leading community organization of the area, the Asian Community Development Corporation, helps solve the overcrowding issue of Boston Chinatown by getting involved with real estate developers and building affordable housing for the community. According to their website,
ACDC has built over $100 million in mixed-income affordable housing development in the past 20 years. We have accomplished this in one of the poorest neighborhoods in Boston, and in one of the hottest market in the nation by forging partnerships with experienced, socially-conscious for-profit developers. We recently completed a 251-unit, mixed use and mixed income project with Edward A. Fish, Associate with a total development cost of $89 million. We are currently working on a 315-unit smart growth, green building project with New Boston Development Partners on Parcel 24 at the head of the Rose Kennedy Greenway. (ACDC 2008)
The first project mentioned in the paragraph refers to The Metropolitan or Sun Yi Da Ha, which was completed in 2002 at Parcel C of Chinatown. The Boston Globe features this project in detail:
Of 134 rental units, 35 are reserved for the low-income elderly and disabled. Another 46 are for households with incomes below 60 percent of the area’s median income. And 13 will be available to the city to house people who are considered homeless.
Of 118 condo unites, 34 will be sold at affordable rates, the rest at market. The 283 parking spaces will mostly be for residents. (Palmer Jr. 2002)
The above statistics show the effort spent by the community organization to help the less privileged group in Boston Chinatown obtain housing. Although the number of special units is insufficient to cover all of the struggling immigrant families, the unit distribution across different income groups shows some fairness. The second project mentioned in ACDC’s website is a 26-story high-rise new building by Israeli developer Ori Ron. Unfortunately, despite being three floors taller than The Metropolitan, Ron has promised only 48 affordable units for the local community (Allis 2008).
Maybe the number of middle- to low-income families in Chinatown is too big to accommodate, or else what the developers call affordable is hardly affordable for the local community. Two years ago, I visited Amanda Chin’s house in Chinatown. It was a two-floor shotgun house in a row of houses of similar design. Two other families were crammed in it with Amanda’s family. The entrance of the house consisted of two front doors that were back to back and with large locks on both. A dark and narrow stairwell led to the second floor where three closed doors were within an arm’s reach. The shared bathroom was lit by a single bulb and had no tiles on its stained wall. Amanda shared a room with her sister. Their bed occupied almost half of the room. When I interviewed Amanda this year, she said that she still lived in the old place with her mother while her sister had married and moved out. Inquired about ACDC, she replied that she did not know about this organization. As for the new condominium buildings, she thought that they were hardly affordable for her family. Her friend, Shirley Chin, who has lived in an apartment complex in Boston Chinatown all her life, agrees with Amanda about the high price of the new condominiums. Except the few units of low prices, the rest are unaffordable for many.
The condition of Amanda’s house may remind us of the general public’s view of Chinatown a decade or two ago. Back then, people thought of Chinatown as an isolated socioeconomic sphere consisted of newly-arrived poor Asian immigrants. It was supposed to be self-contained, segregated, and exclusive. In his book Chinatown: A Portrait of a Closed Society, Gwen Kinkead simply calls it impenetrable. The crowdedness and the uncleanliness of Amanda’s house would make sense in Kinkead’s picture of Chinatown because the immigrants have to work hard but scrimp and save by accepting a low living standard in order to survive.
This negative picture of Chinatown probably still persists in our popular imagination and collected memory. On the other hand, this image could also be one of the driving reasons for ACDC to form liaisons with outside developers to gentrify Chinatown. How do those who live in Chinatown react to the supposedly positive changes in their physical environment brought about by ACDC and other city-planners? Here are some quotations from The Boston Globe.
Karen Chen, a paralegal with Greater Boston Legal Services, worked with a number of families that were priced out of their apartments above the Chau Chow City Restaurant on Essex Street after the Hamilton Co. bought the building in 2003.
“The units used to have families and new immigrants who paid between $500 to $700 in rent,” she said. “After Hamilton bought the building, rent went up to between $1500 to $2000.” The legal services group and the families were unable to negotiate lower rents, Chen said.
Facing the higher rents, many residents prefer to move out as quickly as possible. One women Chen contacted about being displaced from the Essex Street housing units expressed reluctance to tell her story publicly. “She felt that it’s over, she’s in public housing now, even thought it’s not in Chinatown, and there’s nothing she can do about it,” Chen said. (Cheng 2008)
The inevitability to move out of Chinatown is probably present in many other cases. Among those who are privileged enough to stay in Chinatown, there is an apparent sentiment of nostalgia toward old-day Chinatown.
Both Shirley and Amanda recount their experiences of growing up in Chinatown. Their experiences are similar to the generation before them.
Paul Lee was born in Chinatown and lived there until he was 11, but his family moved to Brookline after its home was purchased by New England Medical Center in 1961. He noted that the cultural cohesiveness of a community depends heavily on geography.
“Growing up in Chinatown, not only were your friends there, but their parents knew who you were and watched over you, and it was a very close-knit community,” he said. “When we were dispersed, it was harder for us to socialize with other Chinese families and out friends from Chinatown. Gradually, we lost touch with a lot of our friends.”
He added that Chinatown has also changed dramatically in the last few decades. “In the old days, you could walk down Hudson Street, and people would be sitting outside on a stoop and the whole time you were walking down, you would run into a lot of friends. Nowadays, you have to make play dates before kids can play with somebody.” (Cheng 2008)
The same element of being watched over by the elderly is present in Shirley’s account.
Well, I have always lived in a building, and it’s the same building complex . . . To describe my unit, outside my door, there is a formed square. All four of our doors face each other, so they form a square. So when I open my door, I see my neighbors. And when they open their doors, I could see right through their units. And it’s the same thing with the other two neighbors. It was pretty quiet. It was very private because not every floor had an elevator . . . I was really lucky because growing up we had the elderly whom we called Grandma and Grandpa. And whenever my parents had to go to work, they would watch over us. So we would just open our doors, every now and then, they would pop over and see how we were doing, whether we had dinner yet, and that type of thing. So we were pretty close. And one of our neighbors had a grandson, so we got along really well. Our third neighbor, who also had a grandson who was our age, so we got along really well . . . It was such a nice and safe environment. Even with people who are not your relatives, you feel safe with them. We kinda know their whole family, and they kinda know my whole family. (Shirley Chin)
Amanda mentions the elderly too.
My house is different from hers (Shirley’s) . . . My house is more private . . . Before that school was there, there was a huge parking lot. What we do is that all the kids, we would all just play in the streets. If we see a car, we will just run . . . we will run back to the sidewalk. Cause like our grandparents, my whole street there are just a bunch of elderlies right there who are just watching us. And there will like only a few kids, like me and my sister. There are hardly anybody, probably a few other kids. (Amanda Chin)
Basically the people who live in Chinatown miss the sense of trust forged among their neighbors because of their closeness in space. While outsiders consider Chinatown being crowded, the people who live in Chinatown enjoy the proximity of their neighbors. Shirley’s description of her unit could be an example of the lack of privacy, but she rather considers it safe. Amanda describes her house as private, but she also acknowledges the fact that the elderly sit outside the house. Besides keeping an eye on the playing kids, the elderly probably chat among themselves too. In this way, they also pass on the news of different families on the street, making people feel that they know about their neighbors and thus feel safe about them.
Shirley also mentions that she feels comfortable living with Chinese neighbors because she does not need to explain everything in Chinese customs. Her family likes to stick pieces of red paper with auspicious Chinese characters written on them next to their doors. Because their neighbors are Chinese, they not only understand but also appreciate the act, which is said to bring good luck to the family. Amanda agrees with Shirley that being able to understand one another is important for living together harmoniously. Disrespect for Chinese culture could easily become a personal offense in their cases because they come from very traditional Chinese families, and it only needs to take the form of simple mockeries.
When asked about if they would like to stay in Chinatown when they were older, Amanda and Shirley gave slightly different answers. Amanda said that she would definitely move out, but she said the reason was mainly to travel the world and hopefully find a job in China. Shirley said that Chinatown had become more diverse. Instead of being the “Combat Zone,” Chinatown now welcomes different ethnic groups to settle in. Therefore, to live inside or outside Chinatown no longer means very different experiences for a person. I was lucky to join their reunion dinner with four of their friends at The Pour House the same evening after I interviewed them. One girl stayed very excited throughout the dinner because she had not seen them since she moved out of Chinatown three years ago. She is also one of the three who now live elsewhere among all.
Zhou thinks that the residential mobility of the people who live Chinatown is inevitable. However, Chinatown remains a success in the assimilation model because Chinese keep in contact with those who stay behind in Chinatown. Instead of disappearing and degenerating, Chinatown expands and disperses. In the concluding chapter of her book on New York Chinatown, she writes, “Obviously, departure from the enclave is closely associated with higher socioeconomic achievement for immigrant groups, but the higher socioeconomic status of a particular immigrant group may not necessarily lead to abandonment of the original enclave” (Zhou 229). Zhou does not focus very much on the cultural aspect of the residential mobility. However, her observation informs us about the larger picture of people’s movements in to and out of Chinatown.
High-rise buildings have so far been the most reliable solution to solve the high-density problem in Boston Chinatown. Unfortunately, only a small number of low-income families are lucky enough to move into the special units reserved for them. Over the years, the number of affordable units for this income group seems to decrease too. In order to cope with the raising rents, some people who used to live in Chinatown have chosen to move out. Unlike the situation in New York City as analyzed by Zhou in her book, where people choose to live in places other than Chinatown because of higher incomes and higher demands in housing conditions, the Asian immigrants in Boston Chinatown choose to move because they cannot afford the rents. When the immigrant group slowly moves out of Chinatown, they bring their cultures to other parts of Boston. This process stimulates the formation of other ethnic clusters like in Malden and Quincy. Boston Chinatown, though becoming smaller and smaller as more and more developers seek to buy the land there and start new businesses, cannot be said to become an urban ghetto day by day. Gentrification is more appropriate to describe the changes in Chinatown. Slowly people’s perception of Chinatown will change along with their perception of Asian immigrants including Chinese, Vietnamese, and others as these peoples blend in with the larger population. While it is hard to say if the new communities will be as close-knit as old Chinatown, some elements of their cultures ought to travel with their residences, and their cultures will eventually diffuse wherever they settle. By then the definition of Chinese culture or other cultures are likely to adapt to the new situations.
References
Allis, Sam.
27 Apr. 2008 Here, Density May Work on Chinatown Site’s Future, A Clash over Priorities. The Boston Globe: A2.
Asian Community Development Corporation.
2008 http://www.asiancdc.net.
Cheng, Victoria.
6 Jul. 2008 Moving in Moving out. The Boston Globe: Reg1.
Chin, Amanda.
Interviewee. Email: amyc611@yahoo.com.
Chin, Shirley.
Interviewee. Email: schin@lesley.edu.
Kinkead, Gwen.
2001. Chinatown: A Portrait of a Closed Society. New York: HarperCollins.
Palmer Jr., Thomas C.
25 Aug. 2002 Barely Noted Project Has Chinatown Smiling. The Boston Globe: H1.
Zhou, Min.
1992. Chinatown: The Socio-economic Potential of an Urban Enclave. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.